Wednesday, September 7, 2016

Democracy, Reconciliation and Development: Vision for a New Sri Lanka

Address by Hon. Mangala Samaraweera, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Sri Lanka at the International Institute for Middle-East and Balkan Studies (IFIMES), Slovenia, 7 September 2016


Prof. Dr. Ernest Petrič
Vice President of the Advisory Board of the International Institute for
Middle-East and Balkan Studies, and Members of the Institute
Honorary Consul of Sri Lanka in Slovenia,
Excellencies,
Distinguished guests,
Ladies and Gentlemen,

It is an honour for me to be here today, at the invitation of the International Institute for Middle-East and Balkan Studies, to speak to you about the changes that are taking place in my country.

Although Sri Lanka is situated far away from where we stand here this afternoon in geographical terms, this region of the Balkans and the region where we are situated in South Asia, are both inheritors of ancient civilisations and rich histories.

In classical times, the Balkans lay at the heart of the Greco-Roman civilisation, and was also influenced by Christianity and Islam. Today, this region is home to a diverse ethno-linguistic people, not very different from the region of South Asia that constitutes one-fifth of the world’s population comprising diverse ethnic, religious and linguistic groups. Today, South Asia is a mix of the ancient and the modern – with the influence of western colonisation having left its mark as well, on language, religion, attire, food, architecture, culture, literature and every conceivable aspect of social life.   

Each of the nations in South Asia, including Sri Lanka, continues to grapple with issues of nation building in the post-independent modern era while adjusting to the rapidly evolving modern technological advancements, globalisation, and dealing with challenges posed by climate change, migration, urbanisation, terrorism and violent extremism, and taking steps to achieve equitable and sustainable development, and economic growth.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

My country, Sri Lanka, has an ancient history steeped in myth and legend, influenced by beliefs and folklore, which is no different to this region. We also have a recorded history dating back over two thousand years. Vast ruins of ancient kingdoms, temples, irrigation tanks and engineering feats are still visible today, indicating that Sri Lanka was the seat of one of the small but important historical civilisations of Asia at the time. 

The geographic location of Sri Lanka, in the Indian Ocean, midway between East and West, and just 48 km away from India, made Sri Lanka a significant part of the maritime history of the pre-colonial and ancient world; providing ports for the exchange of goods between East and West; and a contact point between two great regions. 

At the time of Independence in 1948, after 150 years of British rule, Sri Lanka, then Ceylon, was placed in a unique position among the countries in the developing world. We started practicing universal adult franchise as early as 1931. We were considered a model Commonwealth country, carefully prepared for Independence, with a relatively good standard of education, two universities of high quality, a civil service largely consisting of trained locals, and with experience in representative government. 

The different communities in the country showed promise of being able to live and work towards common national goals in peace, harmony and unity. They had worked together to gain independence from the British despite the fact that they followed different faiths, spokes different languages and followed different customs.

However, our nation faltered. Successive leaders of our peoples, since Independence, made mistakes which saw our country plunge into torment and conflict for well over three decades.

Our country experienced the trauma of two youth insurrections in the South (in 1971 and in the late 1980s to early 90s); a separatist movement which manifested in terrorism in the North and the East of the country for over two decades; and death and devastation caused by the December 2004 tsunami. 

After all this, when our country saw the end of violence unleashed by terrorism on the 19th of May 2009, everyone belonging to every community heaved a sigh of relief.   

It was our fervent hope that Sri Lanka could at last resume her long suspended dream for a better, peaceful, united future. The future that a newspaper in London had predicted for us at the time of Independence way back in 1948 – that Sri Lanka, in time to come, would no doubt become the ‘Switzerland of the East’. However, this was not to be. We failed to seize the opportunity to achieve meaningful reconciliation and consolidate peace. 

The 6 years or so since May 2009 saw Sri Lanka take an unfortunate journey on an autocratic path. Civil liberties were curtailed, independence of institutions including the judiciary was compromised, democracy was weakened, the rule of law was undermined, and good governance practices and human rights were violated with impunity. 

We failed to address the causes of conflict in a manner that would guarantee durable peace, meaningful reconciliation and non-recurrence. Divisions in society were becoming deeper along religious and ethnic lines, freedom of speech and expression were curtailed, and fear and intimidation pervaded society. 

Our nation which had been a prominent and respected member of the international community since Independence, including in the United Nations, abandoned her natural foreign policy of engagement, and chose instead, to follow a policy of antagonising traditional friends and partners, and isolated itself from the world community. 

It was against this backdrop of a sense of total despair, that several parties in Opposition, which I like to call the ‘Rainbow Coalition’ joined forces. We came together to field a common opposition candidate, Mr. Maithripala Sirisena, at the Presidential election in January 2015, in response to the call by a large section of people in Sri Lanka who were yearning for change. 

Despite an election campaign which was deeply flawed and one-sided, the rainbow coalition of the opposition scored a decisive victory on the 8th of January, on a platform promising far reaching democratic and constitutional reforms. The people of Sri Lanka reasserted their commitment to democracy by dislodging an emerging dictatorship through non-violence. 

Not stopping at that, the people voted once again at the Parliamentary Election in August last year to uphold the same values and norms. Most importantly, for the first time in Sri Lanka’s history, with the support of the people we have formed a National Unity Government, bringing together the two main rival political parties in the country, the Sri Lanka Freedom Party led by President Maithripala Sirisena, and the United National Party led by Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe. 

This unprecedented move has heralded a new culture of consensual politics, providing the much needed political and policy stability in our country to undertake far reaching reform and important decisions in the long-term interest of our nation. Addressing the inaugural session of Parliament on 1 September last year, following the Parliamentary Election in August, the President explained that the formation of a National Unity Government is essential to obtain the bipartisan consensus that is necessary to face the important challenges before our nation, which include reconciliation and peacebuilding. 

Today therefore, for the first time since Independence, the myopia that plagued our nation has been set aside. The temptation of political parties to follow a path of confrontation in order to achieve short-term political gains over the long-term interests of the people is now over, and we have in our Leader of Opposition, Hon. R. Sampanthan, a wise, committed and respected politician with the resolve to work together to ensure that we do not let our country lose yet another opportunity. 

Fortunately, today, with the demise of the LTTE, no one in our country believes that violence is a solution to our problems. The desire for peace, the desire to ensure non-recurrence is clear. The people of our country, in every walk of life, the rich and the poor, those living in the North, South, East, West and Centre, desperately want peace to last. They have all suffered too much bloodshed and unimaginable agony.

The National Unity Government therefore, is focused on fostering a national consensus around the “never again” principle which everyone in our country relates to. 

We have set our nation on a historic journey. Our vision, very briefly, is to build a Sri Lanka  that, 
-safeguards, promotes and protects the rights and dignity of all, and equality of all;
 -respects and celebrates the multi-ethnic, multi-lingual, multi-religious nature of our society; 
-empowers our youth and our women; 
-upholds the rule of law; respects democracy and fundamental freedoms including the freedom of the media; 
-preserves our environment while taking steps to ensure integrated and sustainable development; 
-gives priority to securing the best education possible for our children and youth, including the skills they require to meet the demands of the global value chain; and securing the best health facilities possible; 
-focuses on infrastructure development, and equitable economic growth required for the prosperity of all our people; 
-enhances and encourages understanding and preservation of culture, respect for each other’s traditions and beliefs, and is always conscious of the need to be a responsible and respected member of the international community; 
-gives priority always to the needs of the people of our country and what is in their best interest; 
-is reconciled, democratic, and prosperous, with a united and entrepreneurial people, at peace with themselves, and at peace with the world; and 
-works in engagement and in cooperation with the international community and international organisations to address issues of concern, not only for Sri Lanka, but for the region and the global community as a whole. 

Ladies and Gentlemen, 

During the first 100 Days in Office itself, we took a series of important steps to consolidate democracy and democratic institutions, despite not having a confirmed majority in Parliament. These included the passage of the 19th amendment to the Constitution through which the two-term limit of the Presidency was re-introduced; the Constitutional Council was appointed; Independent Commissions were restored; Right to Information was recognised as a fundamental right; and the Promotion of National Reconciliation and Integration were recognised as duties of the President. 

Our focus is to pursue an agenda based on three main areas: strengthening democracy; fostering reconciliation; and pursuing equitable economic development for all our people. 

While consolidating the democratic gains achieved within the first 100 days in Office, we have managed to take action on all fronts thereafter, strengthening good governance and the rule of law; promoting and protecting human rights; fostering reconciliation; and achieving economic development; while engaging and working closely with the international community in a constructive manner that benefits the people of our country. 

-The enactment of the Right to Information Act in June this year, was yet another step in strengthening our democracy; 
-As I said before, from May 2009, post-conflict reconciliation eluded us as a result of short-sighted policies and the triumphalist approach that was adopted immediately following the end of conflict. The National Unity Government has approached reconciliation as a matter of urgent priority. A series of symbolic and tangible steps have been taken towards healing the wounds of conflict and addressing the grievances of our people. We have put in place the structures required to coordinate the setting up of key mechanisms required for this purpose. First among them is an Office on Missing Persons. The legislation for the establishment of this Office was passed in Parliament just last month. This Office which has a humanitarian mandate, will have as its main objective, ascertaining the fate of the missing, irrespective of when and where they went missing and in what location, and seek to provide answers to their family members and loved ones. 

-A Task Force consisting entirely of civil society representatives has been appointed to seek the views of the public that will inform the designing of the truth-seeking, justice, accountability and reparations mechanisms that we propose to establish. 
 
-The Government is also working towards the adoption of a new Constitution for Sri Lanka. This Constitution, while entrenching the democratic gains we have achieved during the last year, will also be a celebration of Sri Lanka’s diversity as a multi-ethnic, multi-religious, multi-lingual country that will guarantee equal rights, justice and dignity for all, and address some of the issues that have plagued us since Independence and has stood in the way of our unity as a nation. The Public Representations Committee tasked with seeking the views of the public for the new Constitution has just completed its work, and their Report has been handed over to the Government. The sub-committees tasked with submitting proposals on fundamental rights, judiciary, law and order, centre-periphery relations and public finance are to hand over their reports to the Steering Committee of the Constitutional Assembly chaired by the Prime Minister, shortly. 

In the last one-and-a-half years, we have completely changed the way we engage with human rights mechanisms. Our objective is to uphold, promote and protect the individual rights of all. As you are all aware, the Government co-sponsored the Resolution titled ‘Promoting Reconciliation, Accountability and Human Rights in Sri Lanka’ at the UN Human Rights Council in September last year, out of our own firm conviction that Sri Lanka must come to terms with the past in order to forge ahead and secure the future that the people of our country truly deserve. We have since extended a standing invitation to the UN Special Procedures Mandate Holders. We received the Working Group on Enforced and Involuntary Disappearances last November; the High Commissioner for Human Rights in February; the Special Rapporteurs on the Independence of Judges and Lawyers, and Torture in April-May this year; we will be receiving the Special Rapporteur on the Rights of Minorities in October; and we have just seen the conclusion of a very successful visit by the Secretary-General of the United Nations, Mr. Ban Ki-moon. 

We still have a long way to go to achieve reconciliation. As you all know, Ladies and Gentlemen, reconciliation does not happen at once. It requires effort, hard work, commitment, and careful, continuous and concrete action. It is not an end that can be reached where no further work is required; and it is certainly not a box that can be ticked as a task completed and achieved. It is a journey that requires constant striving. A commitment towards which our nation should be bound across generations, and a central tenet of governance. The price to pay, if we falter, is not one that our nation can endure once again after over thirty years of bloodshed that has spared no one. 

For some, the pace at which we are making progress appears too slow; and for others, too fast. I would say that while victims and the general public as well as some in the international community may be impatient, after so many years of conflict, we cannot take risks that will make us lose everything that we have gained in the last one-and-a-half years. So we move with caution. Perhaps our approach could be described as what the Romans called festina lente - making haste slowly. 

Ladies and Gentlemen, 

Political will and good intentions will not succeed unless all stakeholders in our country feel that their development needs are being addressed and cared for, and their living conditions are improving. Therefore, winning the peace is just as much about jobs, education, healthcare and infrastructure for all Sri Lankans as it is about political reforms. The peace dividend must be felt in economic terms by all sections of Sri Lankan society; the peace dividend for the unemployed youth must be greater and better job opportunities; for the housewives –  better living standards; for the farmers – higher prices and access to markets; for the students – more schools, technical colleges and universities with better-trained teachers and lecturers; and for the elderly – greater access to hospitals and medicine.

The Government of Sri Lanka has no doubt that as the necessary political and economic reforms take place, investments and trade and ultimately jobs, growth and economic development will follow. But as the relationship between peace and development is holistic and dynamic, the faster the peace dividend is felt, the greater and faster the likelihood and durability of peace. In a nutshell, the people’s purses must feel the benefits of greater democracy, reconciliation, and peace. And they must feel them fast.

We are in the process of putting in place the economic plans and policies required to sustain and accelerate Sri Lanka’s 6% plus growth rate; attracting investment, creating a million jobs, developing Sri Lanka as a hub – taking advantage of its geographic location; and expanding market access;  and improving living standards through an ambitious economic development drive.

The Government’s economic strategy is based on attracting foreign direct investment, making Sri Lanka’s exports more competitive, promoting tourism, and improving productivity through education and knowledge transfer.

Sri Lanka is at the centre of the rapidly growing Indian Ocean region, astride the main East-West shipping route and next to one of the world’s largest markets, India. We are leveraging this unique geo-economic location to accelerate growth: negotiations are already underway to deepen our existing free trade agreement with India.  We plan to do the same with Pakistan with whom we also have a free trade agreement. We also plan to negotiate and conclude a Free Trade Agreement with China. These Agreements – combined with our excellent air and sea connectivity to the sub-continent – will help cement our position as a Gateway to the sub-continent.

We seek to also improve market access abroad. Due to the previous Government’s short-sighted policies, we lost European Union GSP+ concessions. Having filed our application for GSP+ recently, we hope to regain the facility by the end of the year. 

A concerted effort is also underway to improve the business climate domestically. Far-reaching governance reforms that are rules based have structurally made investment and business more secure and certain. Sri Lanka is taking measures to increase investor’s ease of doing business and confidence more directly. For example, we are bringing a number of government agencies together to create a one-stop investment and trade-facilitation shop under the Agency for Development. We are reviewing our laws and regulations to create a simple rules-based business environment: including those related to land ownership, as well as tariffs and para-tariffs. We have adopted policies that enable private enterprise to thrive: for example, Sri Lanka has one of the lowest income tax rates in the world – at 15 percent. Together these reforms – alongside our educated workforce and solid infrastructure – are making Sri Lanka the most attractive, secure and competitive investment destination in the region.

We need further and faster support in poverty alleviation, urban development, infrastructure development, education – particularly vocational, technical and English language training – and agricultural productivity improvements.

As we in Sri Lanka strive to create a better tomorrow for all our people, we value the partnerships we build with nations across the world to assist us in our efforts in reconciliation and development; to promote peace, security, and economic and social progress.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

We are firm in our conviction to succeed in this journey for the sake of all our people, vindicating the faith reposed on us by our friends in the international community, but more than anything else, to do right by the people of our nation and future generations, and secure for them the destiny that we were unable to achieve 68 years ago at Independence.

Thank you.

source: www.mfa.gov.lk

Thursday, September 1, 2016

Global Power Transition and the Indian Ocean

Inaugural Address by Hon. Ranil Wickremesinghe, Prime Minister of Sri Lanka at the Indian Ocean Conference on 1st September 2016, Shangri La Hotel, Singapore
 
Y B (Yang Berhormat) Dato’ Seri Dr Ahmad Zahid Bin Hamidi, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Home Affairs of Malaysia

His Excellency Dr Vivian Balakrishnan, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Singapore

Shri Nitin Gadkari, Minister of Road, Transport and Highways of India

Excellencies

Ladies and Gentlemen


It is a great pleasure to be here. I want to thank the India Foundation for the invitation extended to give the inaugural address at the “Indian Ocean Conference 2016”.

I am pleased to see the India Foundation partnering with important think-tanks across Asia, the RSIS, BIISS and IPS to create this platform for discussion and intellectual exchange.

Let me also commend the Conference organizers for their foresight in convening this important Conference given the changing historical power context in the world.

Over the past 500 years, the Indian Ocean region lost control of its geo-political and geo-economic relevance. First the entire region was subjugated to colonial dictates, and then in the post-colonial era, to cold war concerns and global power plays. You will agree with me that currently the global political and economic balance of power is undergoing tectonic shifts and major re-adjustments are in the offing. Single power and duopoly appear to be a thing of the past, and for the first time in five centuries economic power in the world is moving again towards Asia.

Aside from which the global financial system is moving away from a single currency (the dollar) dominated international system towards a multi-currency international system. New sources of investment capital are reducing western dominance. New consumer markets and the expansion of the Asian middle class are changing the traditional focus of markets.

Several megatrends are also poised to enhance on this shift.

First, it is expected that the individual will be empowered due to reduction in poverty, the rise of the middle classes, the ICT revolution and widespread use of communication technology, the social media and better health care.

Second, there will be a diffusion of power with the unipolar world - giving way to a multipolar one - based on networks, coalitions and alliances.

Third, demographic changes, aging populations will impact on economic growth of certain countries.

Fourth, the demand for food, water and energy resources will increase substantially with the growth of the global population.

And fifth, climate change and shifts in the environment will impact on economies across regions. This re-adjustment is increasingly evident in the economic forecast for the next few decades.

We can all tangibly feel how Asia is growing at a tremendous pace.

The wealth and technology gap between the West and the East has narrowed significantly by the sheer weight of numbers in Asia. By the year 2030, it is estimated that Asia will surpass North America and Europe combined, in terms of global power based on GDP, population size, military spending and technological investment. Of the four largest economies of the world – China, US, India and Japan, three are located in Asia.

This global power transition to Asia creates both opportunities and challenges for Asia as whole and the Indian Ocean in particular. This Conference, therefore, is timely and significant.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

This transition in global power can be traced to the economic awakening of East Asia, driven by the growth of China and the complementary growth of ASEAN countries - particularly Indonesia and Vietnam. Yet, parallel to that, the US had built close economic alliances and military arrangements with Asia-Pacific countries.

Of course by 2008 there were setbacks suffered by the Western economies. This then challenged the western dominance of the global order and has led to an emerging multipolar global order.

Now, the US is proposing the furtherance of a single combined security strategy for the two Asian oceans – the Indian and the Pacific.

Will this create a super region with Maritime Asia at its centre ? Obviously this will have new implications for Asian security.

This is highlighted by the emergence of such concepts as the Indo-Pacific and more recently the Indo-Asia-Pacific.

The question that remains is - whether such a region - on the scale of the Indo-Pacific or the Indo-Asia-Pacific is viable?

Ladies and Gentlemen

The leading American political scientist and political economist, Francis Fukuyama in a recent interview remarked and I quote:

“Asia is polycentric, multipolar, and constantly evolving. There is no uniformity in Asia in terms of geopolitics and culture and each of those countries is a separate world to itself, even as it overlaps in trade and commerce with its neighbors and with the United States. It is a challenge for Americans to keep up with that region.”

The disparate nature of Asia not only in terms of size, resources, diversity and interests of both regional and extra regional states, but also growing militarization, historical disputes and strategic mistrust, pose serious challenges to the emergence of a viable and sustainable strategic security order.

There will be resistance to any single country attempting to unilaterally shape the strategic order of the region. Yet building political will and strategic trust and the institution of institutional structures are all prerequisites for such an inclusive multilateral strategic security order that can respond in case of any emergency.

But in reality, these two oceans of Asia also make for two distinct spheres of influence within the Asian continent, each maintaining separate sophisticated trading and political systems while interacting with each other.

The Indian Ocean still has a heavy British influence- the Pacific has taken to American practices. We play cricket, they play baseball, the rest play football.

For instance, unlike the Indian Ocean, the Pacific Region has been intrinsic to US security. For this reason US Administrations from Presidents Franklin D Roosevelt to George W Bush have treated these two areas separately.

On the other hand - the countries in the Indian Ocean Region have historically been reluctant to join power blocs. Despite superior economic and military might, even during colonial times it was difficult to dictate the future of the Indian Ocean Region. The countries of the region have historically played a significant role in global trade and commerce, given rise to some of the great civilizations and religions of the world, and are home to unique and diverse cultures and histories. Whilst partnership and collaborative relationships were built with countries and civilizations outside the region, the region maintained its multipolar characteristic.

To my mind, the notion of Indo-Pacific or the Indo Asia-Pacific appears destined to remain a more conceptual rather than a realistic premise. The collapse of the Trans Pacific Partnership has further weakened the arguments for it.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

In contrast, the Indian Ocean has emerged as one of the world’s busiest and most critical trade corridors, rapidly surpassing the Pacific and Atlantic Oceans. Covering a vast global expanse - extending to East Africa in the West, Australia in the East, South Africa in the South, the Indian Ocean is well poised to regain its influence in world politics and the global economy.

The Indian Ocean Region has always been a significant playing field for big powers. Historically it has also been a bridge between the East and West.

Today the region is acquiring an intrinsic significance of its own. The Atlantic basin is declining. Central Asia and Africa have yet to evolve into mature political economies. The Middle East is in turmoil and Latin America is also undergoing a somewhat troubled growth. The Pacific basin - particularly the Eastern Pacific is very dynamic but it has its own latent instabilities such as the South China Sea and East China Sea disputes, developments in North Korea, increasing militarization of disputes and the absence as yet of regional institutions to bring coherence to the political economy of the area. So it is possible to argue that the Indian Ocean Region has an extraordinary opportunity to create something new in the global context and something historically uniquely beneficial to its people.

Already, the ASEAN nations are on the ascent in the eastern side of the Indian Ocean. Three ASEAN members control the sea-lanes linking the Indian Ocean to the Pacific.

Moreover, South Asia is also kindling underpinned by the growth of India, making it one of the fastest growing regions of the world. Since South Asia dominates the Indian Ocean and therefore this power transition in the Indian Ocean will be heavily influenced by South Asian developments.

Consequently, I see the South Asia and ASEAN countries presenting an emerging opportunity that can bring with it benefits similar to those that came in the past to the Atlantic and Pacific basins.

That is the challenge of the next decade or two.

Our responses will shape our destiny in the 21st Century. The cooperation and coordination between ASEAN and SAARC including the Ramayana Connection have given us strong cultural affinities. We have similar Governmental institutions and commercial practices. The English language is a link language. We have a huge cohort of youth more regionally conscious than their parents. We also have a lot of work to do in brining these two groups together. More frank in-depth discussions; Ongoing dialogue at the highest levels. We must not allow the internal disputes and differences of these multilateral organisations to impede the collective relationships between the two groups. It also challenges SAARC to reach a higher level of cooperation than what we have been able achieve so far.

The opportunities are there - waiting to be exploited – and with ingenuity we should be able to forge ahead.

Ladies and Gentlemen

The multipolar world we live in will be dominated by the competition among the five or six major Global powers during the next two decades. It may well be a protracted undetermined contest. The Indian Ocean will be a major theatre of competition. But the multiplicity of contestants gives us - in the region - a margin of flexibility, which we must utilize to determine the regional order.

We must commit ourselves to an order based on the rights of all States to the freedom of navigation - the unimpeded lawful maritime commerce and over-flight. Our own futures and the futures of our extra regional partners are therefore heavily invested in how strategic security is managed in the region. Many countries remain dependent on energy supplies and traded goods that are carried across the region.

Those who are geographically located in the region have a primary interest in the security of the Ocean, which is more often than not linked to their economies and the livelihoods of their people.

Managing competition and strengthening cooperation would be essential given both these economic and strategic security factors, which have a direct impact on the future of this region.

This is something we cannot do alone.

There are major power interests at play particularly those of China and Japan. Middle power interest such as those of the Republic of Korea (ROK) and Australia. Nor have the US and the European entity relinquished their interest in the region.

As Fukuyama states, the West led by US will continue to project a tremendous amount of soft power globally due to strong institutions, continued stability and prosperity, high per capita GDP, dominance of the English language, technological lead, democratic traditions and culture.

It is time for Indian Ocean countries especially Asian nations to take the lead in determining their own future. It is our belief that an Indian Ocean Order needs to be crafted with accepted rules and agreements that would guide interactions between states.

This Order needs to be built on a consensual agreement and no singular State should dominate the system. The Indian Ocean Order would have the primary responsibility of upholding the freedom of navigation in the Indian Ocean, ensuring that shipping and air routes to East Asia and beyond are kept open, building closer economic cooperation amongst countries in the region, incorporating an Indian Ocean Development Fund for development of the region, and in particular, establishing a strong Humanitarian Assistance and Disaster Management mechanism to deal with natural and manmade disasters.

Today, IORA (the Indian Ocean Rim Association) the regional organization is not an effective force and has fallen short of expected levels of delivery with regard to regional cooperation. It is dormant when the strategic concepts concerning the Indian Ocean are being discussed.

What is required as a start is a dialogue between SAARC and ASEAN leaders. Indonesia, an ASEAN member also the current Chair of the IORA, can initiate this dialogue – spanning the IORA and all the interested major and middle powers.

The final objective will be the agreement on an Indian Ocean Order. A settled arrangement guiding the interaction between states to ensure the safety and security of the Indian Ocean and its lanes of communications. An Order established by consensual agreement for a peaceful maritime security space and the strengthening of Maritime Security cooperation for mutual benefit.

Such an Indian Ocean Order can only be consolidated by strong and meaningful regional cooperation. IORA’s present scope of meeting at official and ministerial level is insufficient for this purpose. This is where organizations such as the India Foundation have a role to play; To present proposals for closer cooperation.

Two of the areas requiring your efforts will be - firstly the establishment of an Indian Ocean Assembly. An Assembly which brings together inter alia Heads of State and Governments, leaders of political parties, officials, academics, intellectuals, non-governmental sectors, cultural and commercial leaders, media representatives, youth groups in order to recommend measures for consideration by the Indian Ocean region.

Secondly a programme for cooperation in Education and Human Capital Development. This single measure will make a significant contribution to the rapid development of the region.

Our task, then, is to begin building a political eco-system that is both prescriptive and preventive; prescriptive in that it creates a structure out of the natural affinities of geography, culture and resources that already exist; preventive in that it contains the inevitable local disputes and prevents them from disrupting or spilling over on to a common Indian Ocean agenda.

I thank you once again for inviting me to share my vision for the Indian Ocean at this forum.

Thank you.

source: www.pmoffice.gov.lk